El Dia Todos Los Santos

A quick entry
 I wanted to take time today to briefly provide some information to anyone that wishes to read it.  Today, as the title depicts, is All Saints' Day, but for Mexico it is the first seminal day for Los Dias de Los Muertos.  So I wanted to do something different.  Today, I will provide a link to a Day of the Dead site for anyone to read and provide more visuals of the contemporary Day of the Dead.  Hopefully, tomorrow I will present what occurs during All Souls' Day in Mexico. 

Day of the Dead

BBC Documentary Part 1

The second link is a documentary that the BBC did in 2011 that follows one of their journalists as he hopes to understand the Day of the Dead in Mexico.  Although this video focuses primarily on a Quinceanera in modern day Mexico, it does provide some detail into how Mexico understands death.  Various times the journalist discusses some of the basic concepts with understanding death.  For the purpose of this blog, I will focus on one the sections of 4:30 - 6:18 and the last minute of this section (which is also the beginning of the next Part of the documentary).  During the first section of this part of the documentary, the journalist begins to express some of his beliefs and understanding of death as they relate to Mexican beliefs.  When observing some of the various calavera characters found in Mexico, he finds one holding a small bottle of Corona and states, "That's slightly macabre." (BBC 6:00)  This depicts that to outsiders, Mexico seems to possess the idea that death is a natural as perhaps alcohol and is an everyday thing.  This is something that I have previously discussed throughout the semester, but there was another incident that seemed different from other accounts I have found.  In one scene, the journalist presents an image of a deceased loved one (which he was asked to do) and places it upon the ofrenda and begins to break down and cry from this symbolic act. (BBC 6:12)  This emotional expression of grief is something that is quite common in western society, but is approached differently in Mexico.  I believe that grief is expressed through the jovial and entertaining festivities of the Day of the Dead as opposed to simply expressing sorrow.  The journalist makes one final statement (which is repeated in the second section) in which he says, "I wonder if celebrating something I prefer to avoid [death] will make it easier to deal with." (BBC 19:58) 

BBC Documentary Part 2

The second part of the documentary is when we really begin to look at the Day of the Dead.  I will discuss only part of this video and discuss the rest of it tomorrow, because the video up to 6:05 focuses on the festivities of All Saints' Day celebrations in November 1st.  In combination with the final part, tomorrow I will also present the 3rd part of this documentary. 

This part begins where the first part left off as the journalist joins a family in Oaxaca just before the festivities begin.  He discusses some of the aspects of the Day of the Dead and what he could expect to see.  The responses given by the family continue to present the idea that death is not a time of sorrow but a time of celebration on behalf of the dead.  The daughter gave a very excellent response when she said, "It's like celebrating the birthday of someone who has passed away.  So you should give them a party." (BBC 3:28)  The duality of life and death seems to be exemplified through this holiday as life and death are reunited for these couple of days.  The mother also says a phrase that exemplifies this as well when she says, "...The dead are coming.  And we're waiting for them." (BBC 3:07)

The journalist then goes to the actual festival where people get dressed up and display their humorous expression of death.  The people tend to have fun as, "Day of the Dead seems to be a chance to laugh at death and show you're not afraid." (BBC 4:43)  The celebration also seems to present a new image for the people as life becomes a representation of death.  As the journalist states, "Here life is turned upside-down.  Locals dress up as skeletons, men dress up as women, and parties are thrown in graveyards to welcome death." (BBC 4:13)  The journalist gets dressed up as one of the most common characters of the Day of the Dead, Katrina who is the depiction of an old rich women as a calavera.  She is meant to depict a continued theme in Mexican society that one of the great aspects of death is that it sees everyone as equals regardless of status or wealth.  In fact, Katrina is meant to invoke the lesson that, "...even money can't keep us from death." (BBC 5:09)

Hopefully by tomorrow afternoon I will have the second part of this blog post completed so the other half of this festivity can be presented.

Sources Cited: 

BBC. “Feasts – Mexico 1 of 3 – BBC Culture Documentary - Quinceanera.” YouTube Web site. YouTube video file. http://youtu.be/94Itpne_1Ww?t=4m30s (accessed 1 November 2013).

BBC. “Feasts – Mexico 2 of 3 – BBC Culture Documentary Dia De Los Muertos.” YouTube Web site. YouTube video file. http://youtu.be/JFt8-WdstQA (accessed 1 November 2013)

Mary J. Andrade. "Day of the Dead in Mexico." Day of the Dead in Mexico Web site.   http://www.dayofthedead.com/  (accessed 1 November 2013)

Posada and Mexico: Identity through Art

Research Update

For this week, I wanted to look at how some of the themes that Posada used in his art and how they reflect the Mexican identity with death.  With that said, I decided to start with an article that focused on art history by Ilan Stavans.  The purpose behind using this article would be to gain the background or at least understanding behind the work that Posada produced.  Art history will typically look at other aspects of the art including the material and tools used to create it, but for the purpose of this blog entry I will focus on the historical meaning behind the work that is given in this article.  I hope to be able to find a book on the subject matter so I could have a more detailed analysis on the matter, but I will work with this brief introduction.  I may do something special regarding contemporary Day of the Dead celebrations next week (since that is when the actual observance occurs) and I also hope to find more information regarding the psychological understanding of death and dying for Mexico.  For now, we shall focus our discussion on Posada and his contributions to Mexican identity.

 Jose Guadalupe Posada, Lampooner

The author, Stavans, throughout the work produces a biography on Posada.  For Posada, he started off mainly as a satirist poking fun at the various political functions occurring during his lifetime (1852-1913) especially the reign of the Bonaparte family tied to France and the Mexican Revolution in the 20th Century.   This use of humor was a continuity throughout his career, but it would take a dramatic turn with his correspondence to the editor and  publisher Antonio Vanegas Arroyo in 1895.  In fact, "it is commonly thought that Posada, during his association with Arroyo, created the calavera -a humourous, vivid drawing of dressed-up skulls or skeletons engaged in activities such as dancing, cycling, guitar playing, drinking, or masquerading." (Stavans 59)  As has been discussed previously, the calavera has become a symbol of the Mexican Days of the Dead festivals and this is merely its origin.  Posada sought to exemplify his use of political humor towards the various government actions. (such works include the ones depicted below)  I also am presenting an image that has previously been used in my blog posts (the second one featuring a calavera on a horse) because this article presented a piece of information that is quite relevant to finding his work.  As Stavans said,
"many of Posada's calaveras bear no signature, and over the years the works of countless imitators and forgers have been falsely attributed to him." (Stavans 62) This particular work could have been done by another artist Manuel Manilla.

The best discussion that Stavans presented on Posada regards how his art relates to Mexican identity.  The first line that was straight forward and gave an understanding of what inspired Posada to begin using the calavera in his art.  As Stavans put it, "originally, Posada simply intended to commemorate Mexico's 'Day of the Dead...'"(Stavans 61)  It was from this spur of motivation that helped his work become a national icon for that of Mexico.  Many that followed Posada would state that his art not only embodied the various themes of death, but also presented an imagery went hand in hand with Mexico.  "Posada was able to portray the sadism, torture, madness, superstition, and paranoia of his time through these incredibly complex, outstanding imaginative characters without ever losing touch with the Mexican soul, perhaps, because they inhabit it." (Stavans 70)  Along with  this, Stavans demonstrates that the artist Andre Breton believed that "...Mexico, with its superb funereal playthings, is the chosen land of black humor." (Stavans 69)   This idea of dark humor, exemplified through imagery of death that Posada used, has become the calling card for Mexico and explains why Mexico has such a sincere relationship with Posada.  As Stavans put it, "Posada is Mexico." (pg 70)

The above images are continued examples of Posada's work with death.  The first one depicts a satire of Don Quixote and the second one depicts an assassination attempt by Maria Antonia Rodriguez of her friend.  I chose this image not just because of the assassination attempt, but also the imagery of demons actually preventing the assassination.  It is an example of his art that does not include a calavera but still invokes the ideas of death and dying associated with Mexico.

Source(s) Cited: Stavans, Ilan.  "Jose Guadalupe Posada, Lampooner." The Journal of Decorative and Propoganda Arts 16 no. 2 (Summer 1990) http://www.jstor.org/stable/1504066 (accessed Oct. 27, 2013).

Contemporary Day of the Dead: An Outside Perspective

Current Progress

As I stated last week, I wanted to take a break from the Lomnitz work as a means of gaining a different perspective on death and the Days of the Dead regarding Mexico.  What I found for this week was the work of a Frank Gonzalez-Crussi, a pathologist, which is entitled Day of the Dead and Other Mortal Reflections.  Because he is most associated with the medical field, I figured he would provide me some insight into the Days of the Dead from a medical perspective.  Although his main focus during this work is around filming a documentary for the BBC about mortuary practices in Mexico, he happens to be in the country while the festivities of this particular holiday occur.  He mainly sums up most of the themes I have already covered, but brings some insight that is relevant to my research.  regarding my next post, I hope to look more into the artist representations of death either through another article or by actually finding works of art during the period.  Regardless, here is this weeks blog discussion.

The Grin of the Calavera

 Gonzalez-Crussi is right in the heart of Mexico city at the early phases of his documentary.  He describes various aspects of the Mexican traditions regarding the Days of the Dead discussing everything from the calaveras to the funerary arrangements.  At first, he explains how the satirical use of the calaveras (or skeletons) are used not simply to poke fun at the living, but have a power to unit people of all walks of life.  In fact, Gonzalez-Crussi says, "starting with local personages, the entire world is the target of satire.  The celebration is national, and its unambiguous aim is to ridicule everyone, rich or poor, humble or exalted, foolish or wise." ( pg 39) His next major observation is towards the cemetery arrangements in Mexico.  He compares these to some of the Western styles and finds some similarities, particularly how wealth determines how extravagant the tombstone or mausoleum is.  Yet, he also looks at the differences pertaining to how Western cemeteries are often somber and lack any form of celebration.  Gonzalez-Crussi describes the Mexican cemeteries quite differently as the people are "dressed in their Sunday frippery, neighbors greet each other, families gossip, parents reprimand unruly children, and all heartily consume the abundant food that on this occasion is anomalously available on hallowed ground." (pg 43)

Ofrenda Displays

Gonzalez-Crussi delves a little into the history of this Mexican tradition at this point.  I know I have dealt a lot with the history of this Mexican observance so I will not get into the heavy details.  Yet, I feel that he provides some interesting information in this regard.  One of the most important lines that grasped my attention regarding the history was what he had to say regarding the Mexica (Aztec).  He stated "the Aztecs viewed life as a prison, whose chief merit was its transitoriness." (Gonzalez-Crussi 64)  Other sources that I have read have interpreted a fusion of indigenous and European culture to form the contemporary Days of the Dead culture and this mindset could be another correlation that might have been passed down to the current generations towards death.  Another aspect that he focused on also related to the blending of the cultural beliefs which I have not read about up to this point.  apparently an "uncovering" of the body of Coatlicue occurred during the late 18th Century ( I want to say a representation of Coatlicue).  The end result from this discovery was that the current Spanish viceroy "...declared that Coatlicue should repose in a stately hall of Mexico' Royal and Pontificial University, amidst plaster casts and statues donated by the Spanish crown." ( Gonzalez-Crussi 53)

                                                    Coatlicue

Of Skulls in a Heap

 The final discussion the author discusses regarding the Days of the Dead are predominantly philosophical.  His focus complements other sources I have found that discuss how death and Mexico are almost inseparable.  Particularly, when Gonzalez-Crussi meets an old woman in Mizquic in which "she must have felt that her mother's soul would never rest in peace unless her post-death solace were secured by continuing a periodic dialogue she took so much in earnest." (pg 71)   The reason the old woman feels this way is because of the spiritual connection with the dead that predates European contact.  Because of this belief, Gonzalez-Crussi states that "...in Mexico the dead are not quite gone, and death remains a living personage, the bearer and harbinger of itself." (pg 70)  He also looks at how the skeletons are portrayed humorously and has an explanation for such.  He states that "it may be argued that all this is affectation and pose; that Mexicans disguise the universal fear of death under the trappings of hilarity." (pg 81)

Gonzalez-Crussi focuses on this last topic regarding the presence of hospitals and pathologists in regards to the spirits of the dead.  He believes that the spirits would not mind the presence of pathologists because of the purpose in helping the spirits pass on after their death.  His major claim is made when he states, "we were the last to minister to their earthly needs; the last to take charge of each body after it was disengaged from the soul." (pg 74)  He also mentions the importance of the cemeteries for the spirits since it was meant to be a soothing place for them as compared to other places.  Particularly, "it is in places such as as hospitals, prisons, and concentration camps that the spectacle of human suffering would remind the deceased of the pain of the living, and confirm them in the conviction that is infinitely better to have left to join the eternal cycle of nature's transmutations." (pg 74)

Source Cited: Gonzalez-Crussi, F. The Day of the Dead and Other Mortal Reflections. Florida: Harcourt Brace and Company, 1993.

Early Philosophical Views and Practices

Research and Development

Even with my current progress with the Lomnitz work, I have not gotten to the point that I would like to due to other things going on.  With that said, I will post more information from Lomnitz this week, but will look for another source to focus on next week and come back to this work.  My intent is to gain other opinions and data on the matter, even though Lomnitz has a fair amount of information regarding this topic.  Regardless, this week looks into understanding why the early Spanish settlers and remaining indigenous embraced their particular beliefs and practices regarding the dead.


New Spain: The Cultural Blender

As was discussed last week, some of the Spanish settlers brought over their Christian beliefs, but they also brought over some of their homeland beliefs regarding funerary practices and public action.  We would see this with the burial practices, the aspects of the "good death," but also because of the particular beliefs the Spanish had towards the body and soul.  Typically, the Spanish viewed the these elements as separate entities in which the soul was deemed immortal and more powerful over the body exposed to the temporary pleasures of life. (Lomnitz 154-55)  This temporary belief was part of the foundation for why Christians would bury their dead in designated areas (over time these would be the responsibility of the church).

For the Indigenous, the body and soul were cooperative parts that worked very closely in life and to some extent in death.  In fact, Lomnitz demonstrated that, "unlike the Christian soul, the Mexican soul had a life that was in some respects parallel to that of the body..." (pg 160)  This relates with the common belief of many Mesoamerican groups that souls could inhabit things in the living world such as birds and stones. (Lomnitz 162)  Along with this belief, another common practice that would occur involved bringing the bodies of the dead to very large caves called machayes for respecting and preserving the bodies.

(could not find any images of machayes, but I thought this cave from Chihuahua, Mexico would do)

The Spanish clergy hoped to suppress the various practices of the indigenous including the various machayes.  However, one particular practice of Mesoamerican festivals included the persistence of alcohol.  As Lomnitz stated, "For indigenous peoples, inebriation, dancing, and feasting involved forms of communication with the spirits that diverged widely from...a proper Christian funeral." (pg 172)  The clergy were willing to allow these festivities to occur so long as the indigenous gave up their practices of pagan idols and human sacrifice. (Lomnitz 172) 

Purgatory and Days of the Dead

The role of purgatory became very influential to the indigenous as the clergy demonstrated this was where the poor would go after they died.  Since often times the poor could not provide for their own funerary services, the indigenous believed it necessary to still aid them "...by offering meals that helped sustain them in the netherworld and prayers that hastened their passage to heaven." ( pg 227)  This played a key role in the development of the ofrenda and the calavera (skulls) that have been talked about in previous blogs as offerings to the dead. 

Along with this development, two other developments during the late 16th and early 17th century shaped the emergence of the contemporary Days of the Dead.   The first involves the domestication of the dead for the indigenous population, in which they could commemorate their loved ones within their own homes as well as in mass.  Part of this developed out of the need to accommodate the poor so that they did not have to spend so much to commemorate their deceased during the Days of the Dead.  The second would be the revival of idols, specifically Christian representations of their Catholic saints.  It is said that these relics produced a "...widespread belief in their miraculous and curative powers..." (Lomnitz 248)  These relics often were representations of the various saints, not the pagan idols they were more familiar with, and were often also within the households as some of the most precious possessions.

(Ofrenda within a home)

(one head of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, one of several accepted relics during this period)


Source: Lomnitz, Claudio. Death and the Idea of Mexico. New York: Zone Books, 2005.

Into the Mind of Death

Currently, I have been looking into the print source I discussed last week, Death and the Idea of Mexico, as a way of understanding Mexico's identification with death.  So far, this is the longest and most detailed work for this project I have encountered and I feel I may need to give it more than one blog post to due it justice.  I was not able to get as far as I wanted to this weekend, but I will try to complete the entry during this upcoming week.  For now, we shall begin with the first part: "Death and the Origin of the State."


Smallpox Epidemic (link to video)

From Conquest to Conversion 

 Most of us have probably heard about the effects the Spanish explorers and conquistadores had on the indigenous population.  Lomnitz would state that "the sixteenth century was a veritable holocaust for the native population." (pg 68)  Historians today still debate the actual numbers of what occurred, but most would agree that the presence of the Spanish and their actions hindered the indigenous populations almost to the point of extinction.  The two main proponents that are attributed to this widespread death are that of disease, such as smallpox, and the forced labor of the indigenous.

These details are important to the Mexican identification with death because they represent a new understanding of death not seen in the New World, particularly Mexico for this blog's purpose.  Lomnitz looks at several aspects of death from mainly from the perspectives of the Spanish, since the indigenous were not able to properly record their thoughts.  One aspect of the Spanish perspective was to understand what was the cause of the widespread death of the indigenous.  The major theory that came about was the comparison to the ten plagues of Egypt, and that this was a result of the 'sinful' lives that the indigenous possessed. (pg 71)  This was the justification for the conversion strategies by the clergy to ensure the indigenous would possess eternal salvation.

With this mindset, the missionaries sought save the indigenous through conversion to Catholicism.  Interestingly enough, Lomnitz actually discusses the ideal death within his work much like we discussed this regarding Philip II's death in the blog posts.  However, the ideal death was quite difficult to administer in New Spain since most of the indigenous were vulnerable to the effects of European diseases.  Because of this, the clergy were willing to accept less as "...the good death of the Indians of the sixteenth century emphasized dying in the faith above all else." (pg 131)  Yet, the concept of purgatory and the final judgment became key aspects of conversion for the clergy as they hoped to change their understanding of the afterlife and common practices.

From this we see the first references to Days of the Dead.  As has been discussed in earlier posts, Days of the Dead takes place on the same day as All Saints' Day and All Souls' Day in the other Christian societies.  The origins in New Spain were simply to provide offerings to the church, but "the Days of the Dead rapidly became the largest harvest of the year." (pg 114)  This phenomenon was attributed to the mindset of the indigenous that were providing these large offerings.  Duran, an observer of the indigenous, described that the indigenous were making several offerings during this time because they associated these two days with their previous holidays that made offerings to the deceased children and adults on each day respectively. (pg 117)  The clergy were originally fearful of this development, since they attributed it to pagan worshiping, but became lenient towards the indigenous regarding those days.  In fact, "Indians were...exempt from the obligation to fast and to abstain from work on the Days of the Dead." (pg 129)  This was the beginning of the holiday known today, but there is still room for development.

For my next blogs, I hope to look at how this development of death and Days of the Dead will develop throughout the next couple of centuries.  Lomnitz's work will be the main focal point for a couple of weeks due to its sheer volume, so I hope nobody minds.

Source: Lomnitz, Claudio. Death and the Idea of Mexico. New York: Zone Books, 2005.

Where I am at 

Regarding my current research, I have found a couple of books discussing the Day of the Dead that I will be reading over the next couple of weeks.  The major one I have found is entitled Death and the Idea of Mexico by Claudio Lomnitz which should give a more in depth historical analysis of the Day of the Dead.  As for this week, I decided to look at another article by Stanley Brandes entitled "Iconography and in Mexico's Day of the Dead: Origins and Meaning."  Stanley Brandes appeared to be one of the most important names when discussing Mexican culture relating to the Day of the Dead for quite some time.  Although he field of expertise is Anthropology, Brandes' insight into the historical understanding of Mexican culture as it relates to the actual individuals past and present.

Iconography and the Day of the Dead

We have already taken a look into what practices with food have helped to shape the Mexican symbolism regarding death and dying, but Brandes brings us into another issue with understanding Mexico's identification with death and dying.  This time the focus is upon how skulls and skeletons have come to be a universal symbol that represents Day of the Dead.  In fact, Brandes stated, "Probably more than any other single element, it is the prevale3nce of skulls and skeletons and caskets of all types that has made the Mexican Day of the Dead famous throughout the Western world." (Brandes 182)  This can be seen through decorate art, toys, and even the skull candies as seen below.

Brandes first seeks to address Mexico's association with skull and skeleton imagery by identifying the origins of this art.  Brandes discussed the Mesoamerican civilizations that lived around present day Mexico by examining ruins left in particular archaeological sites.  His major conclusion regarding this is that these indigenous groups did have an infatuation with death imagery, but not to any extent that is seen in contemporary Mexican culture.  For example, the Mayans focused more on gruesome qualities in their representation of death which includes "...decomposing corpses, symbolized by the black spots or blotches on the cheeks of the victims..." (Brandes 190)  Brandes does present examples where skulls were depicted, such as the Toltec capital of Tula and Chichen Itza where some of the skulls were depicted as having "...lanky limbs and prominent joints..." (Brandes 191) Yet, concludes that artist characteristics like these would have been wiped out during the Spanish conquest.

                                                      Wall of Skulls -- Chichen Itza

Since Brandes mentioned the Spanish conquest of Mesoamerica, that is where he decided to focus the next discussion on.  He demonstrates that the use of skulls and skeletons in art was very popular during the Baroque period in Spain, which occurred right around the time of the initial Spanish colonial era. (Brandes 195)  This would include a particular style around the Dance of Death which emphasized the interaction of the living and death.  This could be seen in the imagery such as the 18th Century art from New Spain that can be found on the chapel in Tlamanalco. (Brandes 196)  Yet, ultimately concludes that the Dance of Death and modern Mexican skull art based on the fact that Day of the Dead art features solely skeletons and Dance of Death includes skeletons and living people.

                                                                   Baroque Period Art

                                                       Chapel at Tlalmanalco, Mexico

The final discussion by Brandes involves the origin of humorous imagery involving skulls and skeletons common in contemporary Day of the Dead.   He traces the origins to the Mexican people after gaining independence and seeking to voice their opinion about the newly formed Mexican government.  One such way was through the first illustrated newspaper in Mexico called El Calavera, or the skull, that used political satire to express their beliefs. ( Brandes 202)  He also points to the art of Jose Guadalupe Posada who also sought to incorporate satire within his art, but he emphasized the use of animated skeletons to portray his criticism. ( Brandes 202)  With this and the remainder of the article, Brandes that the imagery of death through skulls and skeletons could be traced to the political unrest, as well as a reminder that death played a major role with the introduction of European diseases.  I hope to find more relating to this final point that Brandes about the history of death throughout this upcoming week.

Sources Cited: Brandes, Stanley. "Iconography in Mexico's Day of the Dead: Origins and Meaning." Ethnohistory 45 no. 2 (Spring 1998) http://www.jstor.org/stable/483058 (accessed: September 7, 2013)

Deadly Origins...

Over the course of two days in Mexico, a phenomenon occurs that embodies the rich cultural history of the land it inhabits.  Anyway else, November 1st and 2nd represent a period of religious zeal in celebration of All Saints' Day and All Souls' Day.  In Mexico, they celebrate the Day of the Dead.

Dia De Los Muertos

This celebration has different meanings to every individual, but one ever present feature consists of the visual representation of not only culture but also a comfort with death.  For the rest of this semester, I seek to find an answer as to why Mexico possesses such a strong identification with death as it pertains to the Day of the Dead.  My initial post on the matter may be quite lengthy, but I will try throughout the semester to break my research down for the ease of understanding.

My research began with gaining a basic understanding of the topic I was after.  My first decision would be to look for a particular article from Jstor.com that related to the Day of the Dead.  The first article I found was one by Stanley Brandes entitled "Sugar, Colonialism, and Death: On the Origins of Mexico's Day of the Dead." (if the link provides you difficulty, go to Jstor and type in the title)

Sugar, Colonialism, and Death

Within this article I was able to gain a basic understanding of the Day of the Dead.  Brandes described how this celebration occurred on the same days as the Christian observances on November 1st and 2nd, but he stated that Mexico displays their own understanding of the holiday at it relates to death.  From this point, I learned some of the real understandings those that celebrate this observance really believe with regard to death.

"Life and death are inseparable and when the former lacks meaning, the latter becomes equally meaningless.  Mexican death is a mirror of Mexican life." (Brandes 273)

This idea takes an optimistic viewpoint towards death as it is just as important as life.  This is an important insight into Mexican culture, but Brandes focuses on identifying where this mindset originated: either from Mesoamerica or Europe.  Both images below represent Day of the Dead, but each demonstrate strong ties to either Europe of Mesoamerican culture.  This makes defining the origins of the Day of the Dead quite difficult.

To fully answer this question, Brandes sought to emphasize the role of food for ritual purposes.  The ofrenda, or offering, plays a key role in Day of the Dead as it is placed upon the tomb of a loved one that has passed away.  This would allow the people to interact with the spirits of their loved ones by providing specific foods they enjoyed.  This offering was used by Catholics in Spain, but a similar offering was also done in several civilizations in Mesoamerica including the Mexica (or Aztecs). 

Brandes could not be definitive with his understanding of the origins of this observance, but could agree that the Day of Dead represents a duality of European and Mesoamerican heritage.  This presents a common cultural issue in former colonies: globalization vs. localization.  Mexico seems to have taken their local understanding of death and applied it to an international observance to create something unique to  Mexican culture.

I will continue to look into the Mexican perspective on death relating to the Day of the Dead throughout the semester. 

Sources: Brandes, Stanley. "Sugar, Colonialism, and Death: On the Origins of Mexico's Day of the Dead." Comparative Studies in Society and History 39 no. 2 (Apr. 1997) http://www.jstor.org/stable/179316 (accessed September 7, 2013)